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They also asserted that the new Taxco/Iguala jurisdiction was not a region in the traditional sense (or not a “traditional” region) and that therefore the customary rights of regional authorities were not pertinent. This struggle was not only between two different entrepreneurial classes, rural merchants and farmers versus urban miners and consumers, with often conflicting interests, but also between two distinct political economic theories, each with a clear spatial component. Urban miners argued for a medieval conception of markets, in which provincial authorities had the right to limit export from their region until local needs had been met; rural agrarian merchants argued for the validity of absolute property rights to grain, which would enable them to market provisions wherever they saw fit.

However, perhaps the clearest antecedent and inspiration for this present study is Larson (1998). 51. Massey (1984:11). Here space is like time; paraphrasing Grotius (and substituting space for the original time): “for space, of its own nature, has no effective power; for nothing 22 introduction The “problem” of clear-cut regional boundaries can, therefore, easily be considered a more circumscribed statement of a problem common to the geography of all social processes: the delimitation, both in terms of sociocultural attributes and spatial extension, of the unit of analysis.

In other words, did these individuals feel or think in regional terms? However, models that might be appropriate to understanding the development of a regional consciousness, such as the genres de vie (styles of living) concept of Paul Vidal de la Blache and the “imagined community” framework of Benedict Anderson, seem particularly inapt for colonial New Spain. 41 Yet Vidal’s model, which was essentially concerned with humanland relations, acquires validity only in the context of long-term occupation of specific regions, pays, that forged an identity through the repeated interaction of society and milieu.

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