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To understand how the word ‘history’ came to be usable in this sense, we must move from the mental world of fifth-century Romans to that of sixteenth-century Europeans. Godefroy and Panciroli were intent on the study of Roman law in its historical setting before turning to its value (which they did not deny) to the science of jurisprudence. 48 Their re-historicisation of Roman law is of course part of what Gibbon meant by calling Godefroy’s edition a work of ‘history’; but it is probable that he attached greater weight to the wealth of information about late antique government and society which the study of law necessarily brought to light.

With these views Diocletian had selected and embellished the residence of Nicomedia; but the memory of Diocletian was justly abhorred by the protector of the church;18 and it might be added that Nicomedia had been one of four capitals – Trier, Milan and Sirmium on the Danube frontier being the others – from which the Augusti and Caesares of Diocletian’s tetrarchy were to have guarded and controlled the empire. Constantine, who ‘was not insensible 15 16 17 18 Those in this category cited in Gibbon’s description of Constantinople are: Pierre Gilles (1490–1555); for references see Womersley, 1994, iii, p.

26 The Constantinian Empire historical narrative, and history in this sense is scarcely implicit and never explicit; the writers may have known it was happening, but they had other things to do than recount it. When Gibbon used the words ‘a work of history’, he did not mean that the Theodosian Code was a history, but that it was an enormously rich store and source of historical information. To understand how the word ‘history’ came to be usable in this sense, we must move from the mental world of fifth-century Romans to that of sixteenth-century Europeans.

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