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Sample text

Performing these varied roles inside and outside the school setting allowed me access to different groups of teen mothers and afforded me the opportunity to observe them and participate with them in a variety of different contexts. As Jorgensen (1989) suggested, performing multiple roles in the setting allowed me to develop a “comprehensive and accurate picture” of the setting. My different roles afforded me the opportunity to watch the girls interact with each other, to meet their families and boyfriends, to observe their relationships with one another, to see where they lived, and to notice how they handled their interactions with strangers, who often made comments about their ages, their parenting, and their children when they took their own children out in public.

Months later, when I was physically and emotionally removed from the setting, I realized how important it was for me to end this chapter of my life with a formal conclusion. This page intentionally left blank. THREE G ETTING P REGNANT Adolescent mothers’ non-normative entry into parenthood necessitates two distinct lines of inquiry: one relating to their sexual activity and pregnancy, and a second regarding their decisions to resolve their pregnancies by bearing and rearing their own children. I explore each of these topics in turn, with this chapter exploring pregnancy and the next chapter exploring the path to parenthood.

Trent and Crowder’s (1997) research into early nonmarital childbearing revealed that “an individual’s social position influences their risk of early, non-marital childbearing. . Introducing birth intentions into these models does not appreciably change the effects of race and ethnicity, poverty, or family structure” (531). They conclude that their research provided “little evidence . . that premeditation or rational planning prior to pregnancy helps to explain racial, economic, or family structure differentials in early, non-marital childbearing” (531).

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