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This reading is reinforced in other examples: The religious sanction to the political order was highly ambiguous in theory and practice. Religion, or the church, intervened not merely ﬁguratively or theoretically, but to practical effect. Religious asso- introduction 19 ciations could glorify the crown, or justify a rebellion. (Swanson, 1989:99) Again, ‘the religious’ is associated with the church; in contrast the Crown is tacitly associated with the political order, and rebellion as a (political) challenge to it.
Though the change of historical context is well known, it is known in the sense that we know there is an elephant in the room but cannot see it. The discourse on religion and religions, or ‘faiths’ and ‘spiritualities’, institutionalised in universities and schools as religious studies (the secular study of religions), is an extension of this rhetoric, and constitutes a further embedding of the notion that these categories are not acts of rhetorical persuasion but are in the nature of things. 11 Though the history of the emergence of modernity is well known through the writings of historians, the changing ideological functions of ‘religion’ as a category in relation to the emergence of ‘politics’ and ‘economics’ conceived as separate domains tends to get buried from view.
Religious asso- introduction 19 ciations could glorify the crown, or justify a rebellion. (Swanson, 1989:99) Again, ‘the religious’ is associated with the church; in contrast the Crown is tacitly associated with the political order, and rebellion as a (political) challenge to it. 8 Yet in the preface, Swanson apologises for the implication in his title that church and society were two different things in the thinking of the medieval period, and he lucidly expresses and emphasises the point that ‘‘the church was society’’ (1989:ix; my italics).
Sturmgeschutz III (L24 und L33)