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Additional resources for Mayas in Postwar Guatemala: Harvest of Violence Revisited

Example text

On their behalf, the URNG arrived to the various communities with a negative criticism, but they didn’t have to say those negative criticisms because they won, although with black propaganda they won. She is not alone in outing the URNG affiliate’s disrespect for the SUD and the indigenous municipal government. It is not simply a matter of political differences. According to a member of the indigenous municipal government’s council, Their work is no good because there is a division between the two, between the two [governments].

International outcry arose over the ex-PACs when the state responded to their demands and paid out compensation—far before any of the victims of the violence saw any of the compensation required by the Peace Accords. In fact, former members of the PACs are blamed with instigating the vigilante violence known as the linchamientos (MINUGUA 2002). In Chamelco, however, those who joined the ex-PAC movement viewed themselves as democratic petitioners and peaceful demonstrators lobbying for their civil rights to receive reparations for what can only be described as forced labor, the antithesis of modernity.

Although even the Ladino version of the events mentions no indigenous call for violence in the prophecy, the prophet paid for his call with his life. The 20th-century Guatemalan state targeted religious practitioners again in the 1980s as part of its genocidal counterinsurgency. That century, however, saw the beginning of Guatemalan state performances using Mayan otherworldly operations; and the mystical and magical was also marketed in the country for the burgeoning tourist industry. In April 1988, President Vinicio Cerezo, the first civilian elected leader since the 1970s, invited Mayan cofrades (lay religious leaders) to a large festive meeting in the capital.

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